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Dialectic Materialist
Ongoing Debates
Evidence Marxism is a Science
I believe, despite what others may think that many of Marx's assertions have been vindicated by empirical data/testing. Marx made specific, testable predictions about capitalist development in Capital, so far these predictions seem well founded by economic data. Some of these predictions are:

1- The Business Cycle- capitalism will lead to booms and busts. This has never been fully solved in capitalist economies, even welfare states have periodic declines due to overproduction. Likewise more centralized, government run economies are less prone to such disasters. China, for instance, was among the least effected economy during the last two economic recessions, one regional (the East Asian Economic Crisis) and the more current world wide recession caused by the United State's trade imbalance. Likewise centralized, government run economies recover faster. And last, countries which went from government control of the means of production to capitalism, such as the USSR, experienced severe economic collapse and are now more susceptible to periodic recession. Note that Marx did not originate this theory but claimed that these cycles were intrinsic to capitalism and could not be fully ended through regulation, whereas Keynes claimed otherwise. Given the continued presence of current economic crashes in the era where government's will heavily regulate capitalism I would argue that the data shows Marx was more correct then Keynes.

2- The Law of Capital Accumulation- Perhaps the most solid, the law of capital accumulation and centralization states that over time capital will become more centralized and accumulate into ever larger financial institutions. We have seen this directly with the rise of international corporations.

3- Relative-Surplus Value- Along with classes, the emphasis of surplus value as a mechanism which distinguishes capitalism from previous modes of production was an original contribution of Karl Marx, one that has been vindicated over time in the form of "plus-sum" production in game theory models. Marx's argument was that capitalism generates wealth by having more produced at the end of the day, in terms of overall wealth, then at the beginning. This unique contribution has been demonstrated in theoretical economic models i.e. Game Theory. And another auxiliary claim of this proposed mechanism- that relative value will increase for the capitalist and decrease for other classes, even as absolute value increases, has likewise been vindicated by the historically unprecedented rise in inequality.

4- The Organic Composition Model: What I personally call the Mechanization of Capital states that machinery will replace human labor over time. Now at days almost all industrial production and effective agriculture is machine intense. And with emerging tools like the internet and robotics you can do more with less. You can be more productive, or just as productive, with fewer workers.

I would like an analysis, based on a scientific, as opposed to a political standard of Marx's prediction and theories in Capital based on quantifiable empirical data.

Evidence:

Marx claimed capital would centralize and accumulate over time, a claim which has been vindicated by several lines of empirical research and data:

http://www.endgame.org/primer-wealth.html

http://www.faculty.fairfield.edu/faculty/hodgson/Courses/so11/stratification/income&wealth.htm

http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9503EFD8153EE033A25753C3A9679C946697D6CF

Second, the relative value of wages would decline:

http://www.ufcw.org/issues/workers_and_the_economy/epiwages.cfm

http://www.epi.org/economic_snapshots/entry/webfeatures_snapshots_20080220se/

http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-11824287.html

Third, Marx states that machines will replace human labor.

http://us-trade-policy.suite101.com/article.cfm/robots_are_replacing_workers

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1TOK/is_6/ai_n25009527/

http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/custom/portlets/recordDetails/detailmini.jsp?_nfpb=true&_&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=ED246534&ERICExtSearch_SearchType_0=no&accno=ED246534

This is all current, positive evidence for Marx's predictions.


Also I think it is important to clear up some misconceptions with respect to Karl Marx's theories:

1- Marx's invented the labor theory of value.

The labor theory of value was actually pioneered by the famous economist David Ricardo, who established the cost of production as the primary determinant of prices in the long-run.

Quote:
David Ricardo (18 April 1772 – 11 September 1823) was an English political economist, often credited with systematizing economics, and was one of the most influential of the classical economists, along with Thomas Malthus and Adam Smith.[1]


2- Marx is idealizing labor and ignoring supply and demand.

Marx actually argues against the labor theory of value as a prescriptive similiar to how Darwin argued against social Darwinism. Marx simply notes that in irrational economic systems, like capitalism, labor is treated as the de facto standard of exchange. He is not saying this should be the case, he is arguing that it is the case, and in fact he heavily implies that the economic system should be based more on utility (use-value ) - what we tend to think of as supply and demand.

3- Marxism is all ideology, not science.

Quote:
It has become fashionable to think that Karl Marx was not mainly an economist but instead integrated various disciplines—economics, sociology, political science, history, and so on—into his philosophy. But Mark Blaug, a noted historian of economic thought, points out that Marx wrote “no more than a dozen pages on the concept of social class, the theory of the state, and the materialist conception of history” while he wrote “literally 10,000 pages on economics pure and simple.”1


http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/bios/Marx.html

4- Marxism leads to dictatorships like the USSR and the PRC.

Actually it was Lenin's State and Revolution which broke radically from Marx on this question, without supplying any evidence for his arguments at all. Lenin's arguments are purely political and practical, whereas Marx's are scientific. Again, to borrow from Darwinism, it is like comparing the writings of Charles Darwin to social Darwinists like Herbert Spencer.

But you don't have to take my word for it. Just glance at Lenin's State and Revolution and Marx's Capital.

You should notice that Lenin's groundbreaking "book" is actually a pamphlet roughly fifty pages long, full mostly of insults against political opponents. Marx's magnum opus by contrast is roughly 2000 pages of technical economic arguments, observations and material evidence.

5- Marx failed to take into account progressive laws and legislations, he argued capitalism will get worse no matter what.

This is a major point of confusion. Marx did not argue that the predictions made in Capital were inevitable, but that they would occur unless there was political circumvention.

In other words, Marx argued that capitalism is a system. This system follows certain rules- naturally develops a certain way.

Now this means that you can alter the system artificially, say by democratic legislation which protects small businesses. But unless you alter it politically it will tend to develop in certain directions- for example- companies will get larger, more centralized and wealth will become more concentrated over time. An example of this is how corporations tend towards monopoly.






User Comments: [8] [add]
Dermezel
Community Member
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commentCommented on: Mon Jan 04, 2010 @ 09:33pm
VorpalNeko

That's a classic post hoc fallacy. When your economy collapses, then you sell government property to try to prop it up, thus privatizing and opening the door to capitalism, it makes no sense at all to say that the move to capitalism caused the collapse. In the 80s, the USSR was already dead. It just took a bit longer for the stink and rot to seep through to the surface.


Science is ultimately based on empirical observations. The fact is I do not consider the fall of the USSR to be post hoc because the reason for the collapse can be traced to specific capitalist reforms, which lead to hot money and the selling off of key Russian resources at greatly reduced value, as well as the partitioning of industries.

Simply put privatization lead directly to asset-stripping and capital flight. To quote Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stiglitz:

Quote:
Stiglitz: Put yourself in the shoes of one of these oligarchs who has been given a gift of $10 billion. Russia is in a deep depression. Nobody's investing. There is a widespread political consensus that the way you got your wealth is illegitimate. Through political connections, you got the government to give you a huge oil field. You sell oil. What do you do with the revenue? You have a choice: You can invest it in the booming New York stock market, or you can invest it in Russia, which is in a depression. If you invest it in Russia, you are risking that eventually there will be a new government that says, "Yeltsin was a crook, and you got the money in an illegitimate way." And the IMF invites you to take the money out, because free capital markets are the way of the future. Then, to make your life even easier, in August 1998 the IMF comes in and says we'll give you $5 billion or $6 billion to up the exchange rates so you can get more for your rubles to take over to Cyprus in the next day or so.


Quote:
Rather than providing incentives for wealth creation, privatization provided incentives for asset-stripping, with huge movements of capital abroad--$2 billion to $3 billion a month. Policies seemed almost deliberately designed to suppress new enterprise and job creation. The excessive focus on macrostabilization led to interest rates of 20, 30, 40, 250 percent. There is little domestic or foreign investment except in natural resources. How many Americans will start a business if the interest rates are 150 percent?


This was not an inevitable collapse but a direct consequence of privatization and market liberalization.

VorpalNeko
Do you have some Marxist account of why in the US, the crash is a few markets took out the entire economy?


Very much so. In fact Marx has a very explicit quote as to why a credit crisis (which is exactly what the US faces) occurs under capitalism:

Quote:
As long as the reproduction process is continuous and, therefore, the return flow assured, this credit exists and expands, and its expansion is based upon the expansion of the reproduction process itself. As soon as a stoppage takes place, as a result of delayed returns, glutted markets, or fallen prices, a superabundance of industrial capital becomes available, but in a form in which it cannot perform its junctions. Huge quantities of commodity-capital, but unsaleable. Huge quantities of fixed capital, but largely idle due to stagnant reproduction. Credit is contracted 1) because this capital is idle, i.e., blocked in one of its phases of reproduction because it cannot complete its metamorphosis; 2) because confidence in the continuity of the reproduction process has been shaken; 3) because the demand for this commercial credit diminishes. The spinner, who curtails his production and has a large quantity of unsold yarn in stock, does not need to buy any cotton on credit; the merchant does not need to buy any commodities on credit because he has more than enough of them.

Hence, if there is a disturbance in this expansion or even in the normal flow of the reproduction process, credit also becomes scarce; it is more difficult to obtain commodities on credit. However, the demand for cash payment and the caution observed toward sales on credit are particularly characteristic of the phase of the industrial cycle following a crash. During the crisis itself, since everyone has products to sell, cannot sell them, and yet must sell them in order to meet payments, it is not the mass of idle and investment-seeking capital, but rather the mass of capital impeded in its reproduction process, that is greatest just when the shortage of credit is most acute (and therefore the rate of discount highest for banker’s credit). The capital already invested is then, indeed, idle in large quantities because the reproduction process is stagnant. Factories are closed, raw materials accumulate, finished products flood the market as commodities. Nothing is more erroneous, therefore, than to blame a scarcity of productive capital for such a condition. It is precisely at such times that there is a superabundance of productive capital, partly in relation to the normal, but temporarily reduced scale of reproduction, and partly in relation to the paralysed consumption.


Capital Vol. III Part V
Division of Profit into Interest and Profit of Enterprise. Interest-Bearing Capital
Chapter 30. Money-Capital and Real Capital.


I'm glad you asked this because this is an empirical prediction that can be tested directly against the facts. Consider for example how our trade deficit is fed directly by our credit system. In fact America's Total Debt Report (which measures public and private debt ) shows that our credit system has put us tens of trillions of dollars in debt. The underlying cause is trade deficit, the visible cause is a credit crunch. This is just as Marx would have predicted.

VorpalNeko
Perhaps without the Reaganomics in the 70s via its injection of a vast number of loopholes pertaining to derivative trading? Maybe without the Commodity Futures Trading Commission being gutted in regards to regulation on futures vs forwards in 1990, without Clinton overseeing an entire era of deregulation, and without CFTC creating an almost completely unregulated derivative trading environment in 2000?


Marx notes specific condition under which credit contracts: "Credit is contracted 1) because this capital is idle, i.e., blocked in one of its phases of reproduction because it cannot complete its metamorphosis; 2) because confidence in the continuity of the reproduction process has been shaken; 3) because the demand for this commercial credit diminishes."

Regulations can of course help with this matter, but that of course is a move to a more socialist/government controlled economy.

VorpalNeko
A more pertinent issue would be something like this: under what circumstances in the domain it claims for itself could Marxism be potentially falsified? Because if it can cope with any outcome from its domain, it's not falsifiable, and therefore not science. If it is falsifiable, then it could potentially be a science, although just how much so depends in part on how specific its predictions are.


Karl Popper (the founder of the falsification principle in science) said the same thing about natural selection, initially rejecting it as untestable because it was, in his opinion a tautology:

Quote:
The argument regarding "survival of the fittest" is that the only way one can usually tell who the fittest are is to see who survives. But then survival of the fittest becomes "almost a tautology" and hence untestable (Popper, 1972, p. 69; 1963a, p. 964).

- page 11 -

I have come to the conclusion that Darwinism is not a testable scientific theory, but a metaphysical research programme—a possible framework for testable scientific theories. [Popper, 1976, p. 168]

It is clear that here Darwinism means natural selection, not evolution. Popper states this explicitly earlier in the same work:

. . . because I intend to argue that the theory of natural selection is not a testable scientific theory, but a metaphysical research programme; . . . [Popper, 1976, p. 151]

There are two points to be made here:

First, natural selection being untestable is not the same as evolution being untestable. Evolution, to the creationist, is any hypothesis about origins. Astrophysical theories about stellar evolution or the "Big Bang" cosmology or scientific geology or, for that matter, many facets of biological evolution are not based upon Darwinian natural selection.

Second, Popper later admitted that he was wrong!

The fact that the theory of natural selection is difficult to test has led some people, anti-Darwinists and even some great Darwinists, to claim that it is a tautology. . . . I mention this problem because I too belong among the culprits. Influenced by what these authorities say, I have in the past described the theory as "almost tautological," and I have tried to explain how the theory of natural selection could be untestable (as is a tautology) and yet of great scientific interest. My solution was that the doctrine of natural selection is a most successful metaphysical research programme. . . . [Popper, 1978, p. 344]

I have changed my mind about the testability and logical status of the theory of natural selection; and I am glad to have an opportunity to make a recantation. . . . [p. 345]

The theory of natural selection may be so formulated that it is far from tautological. In this case it is not only testable, but it turns out to be not strictly universally true. There seem to be exceptions, as with so many biological theories; and considering the random character of the variations on which natural selection operates, the occurrence of exceptions is not surprising. [p. 346]


I would say Marxism as a whole, as well as many of its underlying theories are very similar in their testability. Marxism may be difficult to test, but it is not impossible. And as the data amasses, as we accumulate social, economic and historical data it becomes increasingly testable.

For example we can empirically test claims such as whether or not relative wealth has become more concentrated or centralized over time in capitalist systems, as would be predicted in Marx's "General Law of Capitalist Accumulation" using macroeconomic data. And such data indeed bears out the claim. To quote Professor of Sociology at the University of California:

Quote:
In the United States, wealth is highly concentrated in a relatively few hands. As of 2004, the top 1% of households (the upper class) owned 34.3% of all privately held wealth, and the next 19% (the managerial, professional, and small business stratum) had 50.3%, which means that just 20% of the people owned a remarkable 85%, leaving only 15% of the wealth for the bottom 80% (wage and salary workers). In terms of financial wealth (total net worth minus the value of one's home), the top 1% of households had an even greater share: 42.2%. Table 1 and Figure 1 present further details drawn from the careful work of economist Edward N. Wolff at New York University (2007).

Table 1: Distribution of net worth and financial wealth in the United States, 1983-2004
Total Net Worth


Top 1 percent Next 19 percent Bottom 80 percent
1983 33.8% 47.5% 18.7%
1989 37.4% 46.2% 16.5%
1992 37.2% 46.6% 16.2%
1995 38.5% 45.4% 16.1%
1998 38.1% 45.3% 16.6%
2001 33.4% 51.0% 15.6%
2004 34.3% 50.3% 15.3%

Financial Wealth
Top 1 percent Next 19 percent Bottom 80 percent
1983 42.9% 48.4% 8.7%
1989 46.9% 46.5% 6.6%
1992 45.6% 46.7% 7.7%
1995 47.2% 45.9% 7.0%
1998 47.3% 43.6% 9.1%
2001 39.7% 51.5% 8.7%
2004 42.2% 50.3% 7.5%


This is a clear indication of an economic trend of increasing concentration of wealth among the top 1%, a class that would qualify as capitalist. Likewise the relative wealth of the under-classes, which are also the vast majority, has declined. I should note that the law of capitalist development, by definition, applies more strongly the more capitalist a system is.

Clearly social programs which negate capitalism will slow down, or could even reverse the trend as can be seen in say, Cuba or China, by wealth redistribution programs. But even then the economy tends to centralize, and Marx's law, as I noted, concerned capitalist development, not socialist.


commentCommented on: Mon Jan 04, 2010 @ 09:34pm
Golden Dysprosium
Dermezel
I would say Marxism as a whole, as well as many of its underlying theories are very similar in their testability. Marxism may be difficult to test, but it is not impossible. And as the data amasses, as we accumulate social, economic and historical data it becomes increasingly testable.

No, it doesn't. Because it's not science as we define it.Economic and historic data don't follow the empiricle method you claim it is.


Alright what about the law of mechanization, isn't that evident? Do not machines replace humans in industry, or is not more production due to machinery i.e. could we produce the same amount without machinery? I highly doubt it.

Or consider how corporations push out small companies. Consider empirical data such as:

Quote:
The richest 1% of adults owned 40% of the world’s total assets in the year 2000. The richest 10% of adults accounted for 85% of total assets. The bottom half of the world adult population owned 1% of global wealth. (Source: World Institute for Development Economics Research, The World Distribution of Household Wealth, 2006).

"There were an estimated 7.7 million millionaires in the world at the end of 2003, half a million more than at the end of 2002, as stock markets and economic growth picked up and the rich took more risks with their cash.These wealthy individuals saw their riches increase by 7.7 percent to $28.8 trillion in 2003, recovering to levels seen before the global recession took hold in 2001, according to a survey on Tuesday from U.S. investment bank Merrill Lynch and technology consultancy Capgemini. And the rich are set to get richer, with their wealth forecast to grow by seven percent a year and to exceed $40.7 trillion by 2008, the survey predicted... The survey also highlighted a small, but fast-growing global group of 70,000 super rich individuals with more than $30 million in financial assets. It found that this group was growing at a faster pace than those in the $1 million-plus bracket." (World's richest worth $29 trillion in 2003; Survey: Wealthy now back at level before dot-com bust. MSNBC.com, June 15, 2004,)

Very Richest's Share of Income Grew Even Bigger, New York Times, June 26, 2003

In the late 1970s, the top one percent of the US population held 13 percent of the wealth; in 1995 it held 38 percent. (Levy, Frank. The New Dollars and Dreams ).

In 1998 the top 1 percent of the population owned 38 percent of the wealth, the top 5 percent owned over 60 percent (source: www.inequality.org/fatcsfr.html).

The top ten percent of the U.S. population owns 81.8 percent of the real estate, 81.2 percent of the stock, and 88 percent of the bonds. (Federal Reserve Bank data in Left Business Observer, No. 72, Apr. 3, 1996, p. 5).

One percent of the U.S. population owns sixty percent of the stock and forty percent of the total wealth. (Hawken, Paul, The Ecology of Commerce: A Declaration of Sustainability. New York: HarperBusiness, 1993).

The top one percent of U.S. households owned 42 percent of all stock in 1997...
The top ten percent of households owned 82 percent of all stock-market wealth...
Only 27 percent of households held more than $10,000 in stock in 1997...
57 percent of Americans didn't own any stock at all...
The top fifth of households saw their income rise 43 percent between 1977 and 1999, while the bottom fifth saw their income fall 9 percent....
Since 1973, every group in society except the top 20 percent has seen its share of the national income decline, with the bottom 20 percent losing the most. They have just 3.6 percent of national income, down from 4.4 percent a quarter century ago.
Indeed, the top fifth now makes more than the rest of the nation combined...
Rebecca Blank, who recently left the President's Council of Economic Advisors, pointed out, ‘We've gone back to levels of income and wealth inequality that this country hasn't seen since the teens and 1920s.’" (Source: Merrill Goozner, Crash of '99?, Salon.com, Oct. 1, 1999).

The top one percent of Americans receive more income than the bottom 40 percent. (Korten, David. When Corporations Rule the World, p. 108 ) .

When he was worth $40 billion, Microsoft chairman Bill Gates was worth more than the bottom 110 million Americans (the bottom 40 percent of the population). By 1998, Gates was worth $59 billion; a year later, he was worth $85 billion. Gates is twice as wealthy as the second richest American, Microsoft co-founder Paul Allen (worth $40 billion). (Source: open letter from Ralph Nader (December 1998 ) , citing Edward Wolff of New York University, whose calculations included home equity, pensions and mutual funds, but excluded personal cars, based on Gates' then-current net worth of $40 billion).

In 1995, 358 billionaires were worth $760 billion, the same as the poorest 20 percent of the world’s people. (Korten, David. When Corporations Rule the World, p. 83).


http://www.endgame.org/primer-wealth.html

This is all verifiable empirical data which clearly demonstrates a centralization and accumulation of capital.



Dermezel
Community Member
Dermezel
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commentCommented on: Mon Jan 04, 2010 @ 09:35pm
Golden Dysprosium
Dermezel
I would say Marxism as a whole, as well as many of its underlying theories are very similar in their testability. Marxism may be difficult to test, but it is not impossible. And as the data amasses, as we accumulate social, economic and historical data it becomes increasingly testable.

No, it doesn't. Because it's not science as we define it.Economic and historic data don't follow the empiricle method you claim it is.


Alright what about the law of mechanization, isn't that evident? Do not machines replace humans in industry, or is not more production due to machinery i.e. could we produce the same amount without machinery? I highly doubt it.

Or consider how corporations push out small companies. Consider empirical data such as:

Quote:
The richest 1% of adults owned 40% of the world’s total assets in the year 2000. The richest 10% of adults accounted for 85% of total assets. The bottom half of the world adult population owned 1% of global wealth. (Source: World Institute for Development Economics Research, The World Distribution of Household Wealth, 2006).

"There were an estimated 7.7 million millionaires in the world at the end of 2003, half a million more than at the end of 2002, as stock markets and economic growth picked up and the rich took more risks with their cash.These wealthy individuals saw their riches increase by 7.7 percent to $28.8 trillion in 2003, recovering to levels seen before the global recession took hold in 2001, according to a survey on Tuesday from U.S. investment bank Merrill Lynch and technology consultancy Capgemini. And the rich are set to get richer, with their wealth forecast to grow by seven percent a year and to exceed $40.7 trillion by 2008, the survey predicted... The survey also highlighted a small, but fast-growing global group of 70,000 super rich individuals with more than $30 million in financial assets. It found that this group was growing at a faster pace than those in the $1 million-plus bracket." (World's richest worth $29 trillion in 2003; Survey: Wealthy now back at level before dot-com bust. MSNBC.com, June 15, 2004,)

Very Richest's Share of Income Grew Even Bigger, New York Times, June 26, 2003

In the late 1970s, the top one percent of the US population held 13 percent of the wealth; in 1995 it held 38 percent. (Levy, Frank. The New Dollars and Dreams ).

In 1998 the top 1 percent of the population owned 38 percent of the wealth, the top 5 percent owned over 60 percent (source: www.inequality.org/fatcsfr.html).

The top ten percent of the U.S. population owns 81.8 percent of the real estate, 81.2 percent of the stock, and 88 percent of the bonds. (Federal Reserve Bank data in Left Business Observer, No. 72, Apr. 3, 1996, p. 5).

One percent of the U.S. population owns sixty percent of the stock and forty percent of the total wealth. (Hawken, Paul, The Ecology of Commerce: A Declaration of Sustainability. New York: HarperBusiness, 1993).

The top one percent of U.S. households owned 42 percent of all stock in 1997...
The top ten percent of households owned 82 percent of all stock-market wealth...
Only 27 percent of households held more than $10,000 in stock in 1997...
57 percent of Americans didn't own any stock at all...
The top fifth of households saw their income rise 43 percent between 1977 and 1999, while the bottom fifth saw their income fall 9 percent....
Since 1973, every group in society except the top 20 percent has seen its share of the national income decline, with the bottom 20 percent losing the most. They have just 3.6 percent of national income, down from 4.4 percent a quarter century ago.
Indeed, the top fifth now makes more than the rest of the nation combined...
Rebecca Blank, who recently left the President's Council of Economic Advisors, pointed out, ‘We've gone back to levels of income and wealth inequality that this country hasn't seen since the teens and 1920s.’" (Source: Merrill Goozner, Crash of '99?, Salon.com, Oct. 1, 1999).

The top one percent of Americans receive more income than the bottom 40 percent. (Korten, David. When Corporations Rule the World, p. 108 ) .

When he was worth $40 billion, Microsoft chairman Bill Gates was worth more than the bottom 110 million Americans (the bottom 40 percent of the population). By 1998, Gates was worth $59 billion; a year later, he was worth $85 billion. Gates is twice as wealthy as the second richest American, Microsoft co-founder Paul Allen (worth $40 billion). (Source: open letter from Ralph Nader (December 1998 ) , citing Edward Wolff of New York University, whose calculations included home equity, pensions and mutual funds, but excluded personal cars, based on Gates' then-current net worth of $40 billion).

In 1995, 358 billionaires were worth $760 billion, the same as the poorest 20 percent of the world’s people. (Korten, David. When Corporations Rule the World, p. 83).


http://www.endgame.org/primer-wealth.html

This is all verifiable empirical data which clearly demonstrates a centralization and accumulation of capital.


commentCommented on: Mon Jan 04, 2010 @ 09:36pm
Here I would also like to note that it is the alternative theory to Marxism, the notion of "marginal utility" that is (to wax paradoxical) the real pseudo-science:

Quote:
In economics, the marginal utility of a good or of a service is the utility of the specific use to which an agent would put a given increase in that good or service, or of the specific use that would be abandoned in response to a given decrease. In other words, marginal utility is the utility of the marginal use — which, on the assumption of economic rationality, would be the least urgent use of the good or service, from the best feasible combination of actions in which its use is included.[1][2] Under the mainstream assumptions, the marginal utility of a good or service is the posited quantified change in utility obtained by increasing or by decreasing use of that good or service.

This concept grew out of attempts by economists to explain the determination of price. The term “marginal utility”, credited to the Austrian economist Friedrich von Wieser by Alfred Marshall,[3] was a translation of Wieser's term “Grenznutzen” (border-use).[1][2]


Quote:
The “law” of diminishing marginal utility is said to explain the “paradox of water and diamonds”, most commonly associated with Adam Smith[17] (though recognized by earlier thinkers).[18] Human beings cannot even survive without water, whereas diamonds were in Smith's day mere ornamentation or engraving bits. Yet water had a very low price, and diamonds a very high price, by any normal measure. Marginalists explained that it is the marginal usefulness of any given quantity that determines its price, rather than the usefulness of a class or of a totality. For most people, water was sufficiently abundant that the loss or gain of a gallon would withdraw or add only some very minor use if any; whereas diamonds were in much more restricted supply, so that the lost or gained use would be much greater.

That is not to say that the price of any good or service is simply a function of the marginal utility that it has for any one individual nor for some ostensibly typical individual. Rather, individuals are willing to trade based upon the respective marginal utilities of the goods that they have or desire (with these marginal utilities being distinct for each potential trader), and prices thus develop constrained by these marginal utilities.

The “law” does not tell us such things as why diamonds are naturally less abundant on the earth than is water, but helps us to understand how this affects the value imputed to a given diamond and the price of diamonds in a market.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marginal_utility#Marginalist_theory

Marginalism thus presents the most commonly cited alternative to the Marxist theory of value. The problem however is that marginalism is untestable. It is in fact admitted to be untestable by its proponents, the Austrian School of Economics:

Quote:
When we study economics, we are dealing with observables. The prices of products, exchange rates of different national currencies, and the employment rate are all things we can observe. If we have a theory about how such things work, we can test that theory's predictions with what we observe and tell how good the theory is based on how close our predictions came to reality. A theory about economics will either make predictions about reality that can be observed or it will not. If it does not make any predictions that we can check, it is a useless theory and cannot tell us anything about our world. If this theory does make predictions, it is meaningful because its claims about the world can be found to be true or false. If this theory continuously succeeds at making correct predictions, we say this is a good theory, at least in the situations that we've tested it in. If there are parts of our theory that can be discarded while still retaining all of our theory's predictive power, those parts should be discarded.

Of course advocates of the Austrian school have objections to these arguments and insist that the empirical method is not a good one for economics. I emailed one of them following an article of his I saw at mises.org which rejected the empirical method. He replied to what I wrote with these things, which are pretty standard arguments from the Austrians.

He started by saying that some things, like the law of demand, are set in stone and that if it wasn't true, then we'd have to throw out all our textbooks because we wouldn't know if the law of demand would be true the next day. But this is bad reasoning because if all our textbooks are wrong, we are best off admitting it frankly and starting anew instead of lying to ourselves to make things easier. Also, if an economic law has passed numerous tests and made many true predictions it is very reasonable to believe it will continue to do so, the very reason we empirically test a theory is to find out how reliable it is.

He stated that one of the central tenets of Austrian economics is that the laws of human action are not falsifiable. But falsifiability is an absolute requirement of a scientific theory. If a theory makes predictions about reality, it can be falsified. All we'd have to do is find what predictions it makes, then test if those predictions are true. If a theory makes predictions that turn out to be false, we know our theory is wrong. Our Austrians seem to be saying that if we observe one thing and our theory tells us something else, we should ignore what we just saw and continue believing in our theory. Our theory won't be falsifiable only if it makes no predictions, and if it makes no predictions, it's useless for anything.

He later said that the premises for human action come from the long-term observations of human behavior and don't need to be continually tested to see if they're true. So he's saying here that situations have been observed where some law appears to hold, in fact numerous situations have backed up the validity of the law. What's odd then is that he seems to be saying that if some other situation comes up that contradicts this law, we should ignore this because the law has held up in so many situations before this happened. But of course this new situation isn't any less valid than any of the others, it happened and if we're interested in the truth, we can't ignore it. Part of scientific reasoning is that we try to prove our theories wrong instead of right. We put them to all sorts of tests to see if they always make correct predictions, and if they continuously pass our tests, we call them good theories and depend on them, though of course they're always up for more testing in other situations and to be tested more accurately. If we have a theory that passes all of our tests for a long time, but then we find a new situation where the theory fails, we don't throw out the theory altogether. Instead we say that the old theory is valid under the circumstances where it was successfully tested before and invalid under the new situations. We'd study these new situations and come up with new theories that explained economic behavior there. Finally, we would, if possible, find one theory that could give correct predictions under the new and old situations without any artificial separation between the two.

He also says that the laws of economics are true because of a certain understanding of how human beings act. The problem with this is that the theory that is built up is nothing more than an idealization of what human beings are. It is how a certain person believes that human beings act, but it's a fairly informal way of trying to figure things out and really isn't something we can depend on. So once we have this economic system built up from our understanding of how humans act, we have to scientifically test it to find if it is true.

These arguments are typical of the Austrians. I hope I've convinced you of how unreasonable they are and why any theory of economics must be scientifically tested. For a long time, the social sciences acted like they were immune from scientific testing. Fortunately the tide is turning as we can see from the latest Nobel prize awards. In the future, hopefully every theory will be empirically tested before being accepted as true.


http://anti-state.com/article.php?article_id=381

I find it sort of disingenuous how the opponents of Marxism will claim it is untestable, generally for some unknown, or unstated reason, but will then be so quick to embrace marginal utility, which is admitted to be untestable by its proponents.



Dermezel
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Dermezel
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commentCommented on: Mon Jan 04, 2010 @ 09:39pm
Quote:
It has become fashionable to think that Karl Marx was not mainly an economist but instead integrated various disciplines—economics, sociology, political science, history, and so on—into his philosophy. But Mark Blaug, a noted historian of economic thought, points out that Marx wrote “no more than a dozen pages on the concept of social class, the theory of the state, and the materialist conception of history” while he wrote “literally 10,000 pages on economics pure and simple.”1


http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/bios/Marx.html


commentCommented on: Mon Jan 04, 2010 @ 09:44pm
Also you need to check out this pro-free market site that basically reiterates what I am saying- that Ricardo established the labor theory of value a long time ago, and that marginalist arguments against the theory are largely straw man:

Quote:
Böhm-Bawerk's straw-man caricature of what the labor theory was intended to demonstrate, certainly, did not hold up at all well under his onslaught. But then, straw-men are deliberately constructed to be knocked down. He would have made as much sense in saying that the law of gravity was invalidated by all the exceptions presented by air resistance, wind, obstacles, human effort, and so forth. The force operates at all times, but its operation is always qualified by the action of secondary forces. But it is clear, in the case of gravity, which is the first-order phenomenon, and which are second-order deviations from it.


http://www.mutualist.org/id50.html

Basically he is arguing what I am, the so-called transformation problem is nothing more then short-term exceptions. Saying it refutes the labor theory of value is like saying that because you saw a hot air balloon you have refuted the law of gravity.



Dermezel
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Syndicat Rob
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commentCommented on: Sun Jan 10, 2010 @ 05:06pm
This is a really good post. I would like to point out however that Lenin wasn't as big on economics as Marx was. Lenin's focus was more on revolutionary tactics that would successfully bring Marx's vision to fruition. He did however write a few economic works such as Imperialism and Development of Capitalism in Russia both are very statistical. Imperialism develops upon Marx's conception that wealth becomes more and more centralized over time.


commentCommented on: Fri Jan 29, 2010 @ 11:49pm
Marxism is a theory. Economics is a science.



Ythan II
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